L1 答案含混，未能有效運用資料作答。 [最多1分]
L2 答案清晰，能參考資料作有效解釋。 [最多3分]
L1 答案含混，未能有效運用資料及個人所知。 [最多2分]
L2 欠缺均衡，僅能有效運用資料或個人所知。 [最多4分]
L3 答栽合理且均衡，能有效運用資料及個人所知。 [最多8分]
(a) According to Source C, what impact would reform bring to the Qing Dynasty? Explain your answer with reference to Source C. (3 marks)
Performance was fair. This question required candidates to identify, with reference to Source C, what impact reform would have on the Qing Dynasty. While some candidates were able to give logical answers, as required by the question, many displayed one or more of the following flaws: copying indiscriminately from the Source without due explanation; identifying problems faced by the Chinese government at that time without focusing on the impact brought by reform; succeeding in identifying the positive impact brought by reform but without due explanation; wrongly interpreting the Source as one that discussed negative impacts of reform (such as the demise of the Qing Dynasty).
L1 Vague explanation and ineffective use of the Source. [max. 1]
L2 Clear answer with effective explanation with reference to the Source. [max. 3]
- China would achieve greater solidarity.
- ‘Railway and telegraph are rapidly welding the disjointed members of the Empire into a solid unity’
Reform would strengthen the solidarity of the Qing Dynasty.
According to source C, it was mentioned that China “lack of communication between places”, causing a lack of communication and co-operation between the local and central government. With reform “railway and telegraph are rapidly welding the disjointed members of the Empire into a solid unity” implemented, the central government could tighten control on people, and hence increase the solidarity of the dynasty, in which people become united.
(b) Why did the author of Source D think that revolutionaries were admirable? Cite two clues from Source D to explain your answer. (2+2 marks)
Performance was satisfactory. This question required candidates to explain why the author of Source D thought that revolutionaries were admirable. Many candidates cited relevant clues from the Source, with relevant explanations. The weak candidates copied indiscriminately from the Source without explanation, or gave explanations that were not relevant to the clue cited.
* Two marks for each valid clue with effective explanation
- ‘prepared to work for the permanent good of their country.’
- ‘The Qing Government has been hunting them to do them to death.’
First, revolutionaries dedicated themselves to strive for benefits for the people.
From Source D, revolutionaries were “prepared to work for the permanent good of their country” with “no other motive than that of benefiting their fellow-nationals”. This shows that revolutionaries aim only to improve the country for the better but without any self-intention. Their sincerity to modernize china and strive for benefits for the people made them worth respect and admiration
Second, revolutionaries asked for no returns despite living a poor life.
From Source D, revolutionaries had been “thousands of smaller men” that “about them little has been known” and “led very low-profile lives” although all of them were “sent abroad to light the fuse”. They were even “despised as a dangerous faction in the country” and “The Qing Government has been hunting them to do them to death.” Yet, these revolutionaries were not afraid and were willing to sacrifice themselves. This reflected revolutionaries continued to strive for people’s benefits without asking for either returns or fame. They made efforts to improve people’s lives intently. Therefore, they were admirable.
(c) Suppose you were a Chinese scholar in 1911. Would you prefer to be a reformer or a revolutionary? Explain why you prefer one but do not prefer the other, with reference to Sources C and D and using your own knowledge. (8 marks)
Performance was fair. This question invited candidates to imagine that they were Chinese scholars in 1911 and explain, with reference to the two Sources and their own knowledge, whether they would prefer to be a reformer or a revolutionary. Only the best candidates gave a logical discussion, as required by the question. Many answers displayed one or more of the following flaws: confusing ‘reformer’ with ‘revolutionary’ in the context of Late Qing history; being weak in using their own knowledge; basing their answers on personal feelings instead of historical evidence; discussing the limitations of reform rather than the merits of revolution when choosing to be a revolutionary; discussing events that took place after the success of the 1911 Revolution.
L1 Vague answer, ineffective in using both Sources and own knowledge. [max. 2]
L2 Lack in balance, effective in using Sources or own knowledge only. [max. 4]
L3 Sound and balanced answer, effective in using both Sources and own knowledge. [max. 8]
- The Qing Government’s ongoing reforms were ‘welding the disjointed members of the Empire into a solid unity’ and thus overcoming the problem of regionalism. (Source C)
- Being a revolutionary was too risky as the Qing Government was ‘hunting them to do them to death.’ (Source D)
- The reforms were so fundamental that an open and literate society was coming into being. (own knowledge)
- Revolutionaries were noble persons. They were enlightened and educated, and willing to sacrifice themselves for the permanent good of China. (Source D)
- The Qing Government was an alien regime, and might not be got rid of except by revolution. (own knowledge)
- The Qing Government was insincere in introducing political reforms. (own knowledge)
I would prefer to be a revolutionary.
Reasons for preferring to be a revolutionary would be discussed first.
Firstly, revolutionaries strived for benefits of the people.
From Source D, revolutionaries were “men who, with no other motive than that of benefiting their fellow-nationals” and “prepared to work for the permanent good of their country”, reflecting revolutionaries dedicated themselves for making their country a better country. As a scholar, I hoped to strengthen my country as well as providing a better life for the people by modernizing China. I was definitely willing to dedicate myself for the nation. Therefore, I would prefer to be a revolutionary.
Secondly, revolutionaries have noble sentiments.
According to source D, it was mentioned that revolutionaries “live a low-profile life” and “About them little has been known”. This shows that they didn’t chase for fame or appreciations. As a scholar in 1911, I believe and would like to uphold the principle in book - sacrificing for the country and put away self-interest. Hence i would choose to be a revolutionary.
Thirdly, I was touched by the revolutionaries pass achievements .
According to my own knowledge, revolutionaries spared no effort in developing a democratic system in China, they would sacrifice themselves in order to strengthen the nation. For instance, the Yellow Flower Mound Uprising proved that revolutionaries had no fear even their lives were threatened. ( Also, from Source D “The Qing Government has been hunting them to do them to death.”) Therefore, as a scholar in 1911, I would prefer to be a revolutionary as I was touched by their spirit and determination.
Fourthly, the values which revolutionaries advocated fascinated me.
According to my own knowledge, Tongmenghui was formed in 1905 by Sun Yat-sen, and promoted “Three People’s Principles” ( Principles of Nationalism, Principles of Democracy, Principles of People's Livelihood). As a scholar, I longed for values such as freedom, equality and democracy. Hence, I would choose to be a revolutionary.
Reasons for not preferring to be a reformer would then be discussed.
Firstly, reforms in China had never succeeded.
In my own knowledge, both the Self-Strengthening Movement (1861-1895) and Hundred Days’ Reform (1898) failed in reforming China into a strong country. For example, China remained in the autocratic rule of the Qing government and democratic ideas still had not been introduced to the general public. What’s more, most Chinese people continued to live in poverty after the reforms. As a scholar, I learnt from historical facts that reform was ineffective in transforming China into a better place. Hence, I would not prefer to be a reformer.
Secondly, the Late Qing government was insincere in carrying out the reform.
From what I knew, the Late Qing Reform initiated by the Qing government in 1901 was proved to be insincere. For instance, the cabinet which responsible for creating a constitutional monarchy, consisted of thirteen members, of which nine were Manchus (seven of whom were from the imperial clan) while only four were Han Chinese. The establishment of this “Royal Cabinet” reflected the Qing government only aimed to prolong the Manchu rule instead of strengthening China. As a scholar, I understand that the insincere attitude of the Qing government in carrying out the reform would bring no effectiveness in strengthening the nation, and at the same time I have no more hope on the Qing Dynasty. Thus, I would not prefer to be a reformer.
Thirdly, reform is ineffective in modernising china.
From Source C, the object of reform was “not a changed dynasty, nor a revolution in the form of government”, showing reform only aimed to make changes on the surface. Its depth was not enough to transform the entire China into a strong nation. As a scholar, I understood the fundamental problem----autocracy, which would remain in China even after reform, meaning reform could not truly make a better China. Therefore, I would not prefer to be a reformer.
To conclude, I would prefer to be a revolutionary.